Value Talks
When talks about a new Russia-EU agreement begin after all, it will be more of symbolic value, rather than have practical effect. First, because the process of drafting a new document is long and complex. Second, because many things have changed drastically in the relations between Moscow and the rest of the world in general, and with Europe in particular, since the early 1990s, as the previous agreement was prepared. At that time Russia sought integration with the West, whereas now it more often asserts its own “special way.”
In recent years I have been to many conferences where politicians and experts of the European Union would reiterate, “Europe has no Russia-strategy, hence the impasse in the relations between Russia and the EU.” It’s true, but only partly. I am under the impression that Russia hardly wishes that Europe would work out such a strategy. A strategy suggests having common values, not just mutual interests. And it’s the values issue that the Russian political class is reluctant to bring up.
In Russia there is a widespread assumption that the interest rules the world, and globalization is, first of all, struggle for markets and redistribution of spheres of influence. Without denying the concept of global competition, the EU regards itself as something bigger than a union of states struggling together for another market for BMWs, French perfume or Czech beer. The political elites of the EU member-states have been discovering the same conceptual potential in the European project, as only the great American dream once offered the western world. Human rights, sometimes notorious religious indifference, aversion to military force as political argument, socially oriented market, the art of political compromise, comprehensive legislation, regulating every aspect of life – these are the basic principles of the new political structure. Europhiles consider it potent in principle to challenge the belief in God, freedom and individualism of the American way of life.
Russian politicians doubt the success of the European project in their heart of hearts. They are more likely to accept the muscle approach to world affairs, practiced by U.S. politicians, so much loathed by them. Moscow would rather deal with the most influential EU states bilaterally hoping that the European grandees will impact the rest the way Russia needs. After all, Europeans purchased gas from Brezhnev without bothering him much with uneasy questions about human rights and dissidents.
But the latest developments have shown that things will never be the same again, and it takes the grandees months to persuade Poles or Lithuanians to temper justice with mercy. More to the point, the new EU member-states are proud to belong to the “European community of values,” as Prince Karel Schwarzenberg, Czech Foreign Minister and one of the most ardent critics of authoritarian regimes puts it. Interestingly, Russia has also changed. It is no longer the Soviet Union. And to achieve a breakthrough in the relations between Russia and the EU, dialogue on values will have to be started sooner or later. It may turn out heated. But you can’t avoid it.
Konstantin Eggert, Moscow Bureau Chief, BBC Russian Service
All the Article in Russian as of Apr. 30, 2008
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