Transdniestria's Referendum on Dependence
// Voters favor Russia
A referendum was held in Transdniestria yesterday in which voters voted for “free unification with Russia” and against “forming a part of Moldova.” Residents performed as the authorities expected them to. Not only that, they are expecting that unification to take place any day now, as Kommersant correspondents Mikhail Zygar and Vladimir Solovyev found out. Local authorities are aware that it may never happen.
Happy Day
Voting began at 7:00 a.m. at the polling station at the Palace of the Republic in Tiraspol. By 10:00, the Symphonic Orchestra of the Transdniestrian Moldovan Republic had played the march from Carmen ten times. That was the music by which Transdniestria's most honored voter, and president, Igor Smirnov was supposed to make his approach to the ballot box. And so it was, finally. Smirnov and his wife entered with a crowd of bodyguards around them. Smironov decorously received his ballot and spent a suspiciously long time reading it.
“You have to answer both questions,” an elections worker offered simple-hearted assistance. He smiled at her condescendingly. The first question was “Do you support the Transdniestrian Moldovan Republic's course to independence and subsequent free unification with Russia?” and “Do you consider it possible for the Transdniestrian Moldovan Republic to renouncement independence and subsequently form a part of Moldova?”
The president left the voting booth looking satisfied. I was waiting for him near the ballot box with a premeditatedly provocative question.
“Igor Nikolaevich, you promised the people before the referendum that Transdniestria would become part of Russia. If that doesn't happen, and it probably won't, won't the voters feel deceived?”
The president was silent for a moment.
“It was probably Kommersant that promised that,” he said finally. “If you read the first question of the referendum, it talks bout the possibility of free unification. You, by the way, always call it a referendum on independence. But our independence was confirmed already on referenda in 1991-1995, when the Transdniestrian Moldovan Republic was formed. Therefore, you have asked a question that does not correspond with reality.”
It's a little chilly in the palace. The journalists behind me are silent, so I continue to question the president.
“Do you think that Russia will recognize the Transdniestrian Moldovan Republic soon?”
“Whether or not to grant recognition is the personal business of any state,” Smirnov takes a moment to calm himself. “The main thing is that the referendum goes according to the canons, which the observers will confirm. As for recognition… well…, we would like to be recognized…”
Someone asks how he voted.
“I can't tell you, but what they will say is illegal provocation,” Smirnov replied with a clear gesture in my direction. “I voted for what I have always been sure of. I voted the way everyone is voting. But if someone voted against, well, I respect other opinions, but I deeply agree with them. You have to think not just about today and little benefits. I voted right. I voted Transdniestrian.”
“Igor Nikolaevich,” I continued, “doesn't it seem to you that the campaigning before the referendum was very aggressive. They pushed the voters very hard on television about how to vote.”
“Your profession probably requires you to watch all of that,” Smirnov answered. “But I work and I only have time for the news. Elections and referendums are always held differently. Sometimes, parties and movements openly break the law and the election code. That didn't happen here.”
Ukrainian journalists asked why the referendum didn't include a question about Transdniestria uniting with Ukraine.
“That will be on the next referendum,” Smirnov answered, “but not unification, associated membership. Ukraine is not the legal successor to the Soviet Union. The successor, and not only of its debts, is great Russia. And we are turning to it.”
“You mentioned Russia citizens living in Transdniestria,” I say. “Allow me to ask a personal question. Do you have Russian citizenship?”
“I don't get it. Why is Kommersant so active lately?” he asked nastily. “What, do you have a new owner?”
“Kommersant is always active.”
He struggled again to maintain his calm. “Yes, of course, I'm a Russian citizen. I have been from the start, as soon as the republic was formed. We were forced to introduce double and triple citizenship to allow our citizens to travel to see their relatives abroad.”
Happy People
“Respected voters, we remind you that it is simple to vote for unification with Russia,” an announcer explains on state television. “You must vote on the second question, against Moldova.” For the inattentive, there is a special report.
“Do you know,” the telejournalist asks two female students, “that Russia is the only country that provided us with aid during the economic blockade?”
On the evening news, there is a report from the village of Papenki. That is where the movement For Unity with Russia has come to an orphanage, which was founded specially for the referendum. Children of five or six are shown holding little flag that say “For Unity with Russia.” A heavyset man is telling them “we have brought you linoleum and plumbing…” In the next shot, the orphans applaud joyfully and wave their flags.
“This is such a successful campaign approach,” activist Stas relates. “We go to children's institutions and bring gifts.”
There was a big concert at the Tiraspol stadium n Thursday to demonstrate the joy over unification with Russia. President Smirnov urged the public to “remain faithful to the testament of out fathers and grandfathers” and be with Russia forever. The young people in the stadium, members of the youth movement Breakthrough, chanted “Smirnov! Russia! TMR!” and “Russia! Putin! TMR!” The president brought a few People's Artists of Russia out on stage to sing “If you only knew how dear to me are my Transdniestrian evenings,” a variation on a well-known song about the suburbs of Moscow.
Breakthrough member Vlad was in the audience. “We founded the youth movement last year,” he recounted, “to stop the Orange bulldozer. There was a real threat that the United States would try to carry out an orange revolution in Transdniestria and we had to prevent it.”
“But why did you join Breakthrough?”
“What do you mean?” I am a patriot of Russia. I am almost the same age as the TMR. Our republic is 16, and I am 18. I grew up with the idea that my homeland is Russia.”
“But Russia officially recognizes the TMR as part of Moldova.”
“That's why this referendum is needed. So that Russia will stop being shy and recognize us.”
Russian State Duma member Viktor Alksnis, who was also there, agreed with the Transdniestrian student that Russia would eventually recognize Transdniestria. And he sees his own good services behind that. “I stand at the source if the republic,” he said. “It all started at the beginning of the 1990s with the so-called Lukyanov doctrine, which was developed by a Union group of parliament members. I was one of the authors of the doctrine. In essence, it gave Russia the opportunity to maintain its influence throughout the former Soviet Union. That could be attained only be supporting separatist sentiments in former Soviet republics, thus creating so-called hot spots.”
Alksnis is not happy with Transdniestria though. He is not sure that the authorities really want recognition.
“How things have changed since we thought it up,” he commented. I remember the beginning of the 1990s. There was enthusiasm then. There was the feeling of revolution. The feeling of victory in war… Now, there is nothing left of that and things have changed a lot. Now money decides everything. It's too bad about the people.”
Happy Makers
“The referendum will most likely have some consequences. Former employee of the Transdniestrian special services Dmitry Soin says. After it, the Russian presence in Transdniestria will increase. But the main thing is that, after the referendum, all conversations with Moldova will be over.”
We are sitting in a cafe in the center of Tiraspol. Soin sounds tired. There is a reason for that. He is one of the creators of the referendum and the manager of a very important part of it – its ideology. They call Soin “the Transdniestrian Vladislav Surkov” and he's flattered by the comparison. Several criminal cases have been initiated against him in Chisinau, and he likes it.
“The guys in Chisinau have more ambition than potential,” he says with a smile as he gulps coffee.
Soin is an innovator. He has introduced new political technologies to Transdniestria that have been successfully tested in other countries. One of his creations is the Breakthrough! (Proryv!) International Youth Corp. It was founded on the model of the Ukrainian Pora! (It's Time!) and Serbian Otpor! (Rebuff!). Its members wear bright yellow bandanas and baseball caps and wave yellow flags with black images of Che Guevara on them. The school of political leadership that Soin founded is also named after Guevara. He and his associates have positioned themselves as a revolutionary force but they support everything the current authorities, headed by Smirnov, do. The revolutionaries abhor the opponents of the Tiraspol regime, especially the leadership of Moldova. Before the referendum, Breakthrough members entertained Tiraspol residents and out-of-town journalists by burning Moldovan flags and Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin in effigy.
“We hold our own events,” Soin says proudly. “We don't live on state funding.”
“What money do you use to do all of that so well and stylishly?”
“There is a friends of Breakthrough club. We find understanding on the level of the Russian administration, for example,” the revolutionary reveals. “Last year, Modest Kolerov [head of department of CIS affairs of the Russian presidential administration] visited and we met with him.” Soin has no doubt that the Transdniestrians will vote the way they should.
Another behind-the-scenes manager of the referendum is Transdniestrian Foreign Minister Valery Litskai. He had to take the unfamiliar role as leader of the movement For Unity with Russia. The movement, founded on Russian money, appeared a month and a half before the plebiscite and was the main campaigner before it. Litskai met us at the Foreign Ministry and is not embarrassed to say that he follows Moscow's orders.
“Why should I be shy? It's just that the conditions weren't there before to invest money in the movement. But Moscow only had to give the sign and it started.”
For Unity with Russia is funded by Transdniestrian enterprises that were bought up by Russian businessmen in the total privatization of the last few years. For example, the Moldovan Metals Plant (owned by Urals Steel) and Moldovan state district electric station (bought by RAO UES of Russia) give money to it.
We tried to find out from the minister would change after people chose “free unification with Russia” and rejected becoming “part of Moldova.” Nothing can be understood from Litskai's explanation.
“Some think that we'll hold a referendum and tomorrow we will ask to become part of Russia,” he said. “I explain that that can't be done now. We cannot issue any decrees about joining Russia! The experience of the European Union shows that 10-15 years are needed for integration processes and only then is it possible to join it. We are at the beginning of the road.”
“Why didn't they write on the sign “vote today and you have to wait five to seven years to join Russia?”
“Nobody asked when we will unite. So there was no need to write that. If they had asked me, I would have told them. But they didn't ask. They go around me, whisper quietly and don't ask. Our party will explain it to people. We will answer for the pro-Russian position because immediately after the referendum we will start to talk about the time periods. We will write position pieces. There are no deadlines on the calendar. If we reach the Russian standard of living in half a year, those problems will be solved in that time. If we could bring a few tens of billions of dollars with us to Russia, they would take us instantly.
They did not forget that presidential elections would be held in December as they were preparing for the referendum in Transdniestria. They were asking six months ago if it weren't time for Smirnov to leave office, But after the colossal campaign to promote the referendum, that question is no longer being asked.
Mikhail Zygar, Vladimir Solovyev
All the Article in Russian as of Sep. 18, 2006
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